Showing posts with label Robert Parry. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Robert Parry. Show all posts

Tuesday, March 3, 2009

Obama's 'Seven Days in May' Moment

Only one month into his presidency, Barack Obama is finding himself confronting not only George W. Bush’s left-behind crises but an array of influential enemies in the military, financial circles, the political world and the media – determined to thwart Obama’s agenda for “change.”

Though Obama has maintained his trademark equanimity in the face of this resistance, he appears to be sensing the rising tide of dangers around him. After his failed gestures of bipartisanship on the economic stimulus bill, he pointedly took his case to the country in campaign-style town meetings.

“You know, I am an eternal optimist,” Obama told a group of columnists about his rebuffed outreach to Republicans. “That doesn’t mean I’m a sap.”

Yet even if he’s no “sap,” Obama must find within himself the toughness of extraordinary leadership and the resourcefulness to defeat or neutralize powerful enemies if he is to succeed. His initial hopes of a “post-partisan” era already have been shown to be naïve, even dangerously so.

(Not so sure that Obama is all that naive. He is beginning his administration by fulfilling promises he made during the campaign. If others do no wish to join him (and us) in the unity it will take to see us through the nightmare, surely to get worse, that the Bush administration intentionally left us, ordinary Americans will see it for what it is...sabotage.

Obama faces near-unanimous Republican opposition to his strategy for salvaging the U.S. economy (and a GOP readiness to use the Senate filibuster at every turn); right-wing talk radio and cable-TV personalities are stoking a populist anger against him; Wall Street executives are miffed at limits on their compensation; and key military commanders are resisting his promised draw-down in Iraq.

In addition, former Bush administration officials are making clear that they will fight any effort to hold them accountable for torture and other war crimes, denouncing it as a “witch-hunt” that will be met with an aggressive counterattack accusing Obama of endangering American security.

It is not entirely inconceivable that Obama’s powerful enemies could coalesce into a kind of “Seven Days in May” moment, the novel and movie about an incipient coup aimed at a President who was perceived as going too far against the country’s political-military power structure.

Far more likely, however, Obama’s fate could parallel Jimmy Carter’s, a President whose reelection bid in 1980 was opposed by a phalanx of powerful enemies at home and abroad, including disgruntled CIA officers, angry Cold Warriors, and young neoconservatives allied with Israel’s right-wing Likud leaders furious over Carter’s Middle East peace initiatives.

Carter little understood the breadth, depth and clout of the opposition he faced – and the full story of how his presidency was sabotaged has never been told. [For the most detailed account, see Robert Parry’s Secrecy & Privilege.]

(There is, however, a huge difference in Carter's days in office and today. That difference is the information we have access to today that no one even dreamed of back then. Certainly, wherever there is information there is disinformation. Americans, as well as other citizens of planet earth, must learn to recognize the difference between b.s and transparency.)

Hobbling Obama

The current Republican strategy appears to be to hobble the Obama administration out of the gate, have it stumble forward through a deteriorating economy and collapse before the 2010 and 2012 elections, enabling the GOP to retake control of the government.

However, Obama is not without resources of his own. A brilliant orator and clever politician, he won a decisive electoral victory in November and drew 1.8 million to his Inauguration on a frigid day in Washington on Jan. 20. The Democrats also have sizable majorities in the House and Senate.

There also are some media voices – like Paul Krugman, Keith Olbermann and Rachel Maddow – and much of the “Net roots” urging Obama to resist the pressures and stick to his guns.

But most of the U.S. news media continues to tilt to the Right – from the Washington Post’s neoconservative editorialists and CNBC’s millionaire commentators to the right-wing ideologues of Fox News, Rush Limbaugh and the Wall Street Journal.

How this right-wing media infrastructure (we would call it fascist) can stoke a sudden brushfire was displayed Thursday when CNBC reporter Rick Santelli – on the trading floor of the Chicago commodities exchange – fumed about Obama’s plan to help up to nine million Americans avoid foreclosure.

Santelli suggested that Obama set up a Web site to get public feedback on whether “we really want to subsidize the losers’ mortgages.” Then, gesturing to the wealthy traders in the pit, Santelli declared, “this is America” and asked “how many of you people want to pay for your neighbor’s mortgage that has an extra bathroom and can’t pay their bills, raise their hand.”

Amid a cacophony of boos aimed at Obama’s housing plan, Santelli turned back to the camera and said, “President Obama, are you listening?”

(Whether Obama was listening or not, we were, Mr. Santelli, and we, independents, consider you to be a disgrace to your profession, whatever that is, as well as expendable....you know, like the soldiers who were sent into a senseless quagmire of a war for the protection of the energy corporations you worship.)

Though Santelli’s behavior in a different context – say, a denunciation of George W. Bush near the start of his presidency – would surely have resulted in a suspension or firing, Santelli’s anti-Obama rant was hailed as “the Chicago tea party,” made Santelli an instant hero across right-wing talk radio, and was featured proudly on NBC’s Nightly News.

One can only imagine the future reaction from CNBC’s commentators – and Santelli’s rich traders – if Obama decides to nationalize some of America’s giant insolvent banks or if his administration imposes stricter limits on Wall Street’s executive compensation.

(Who cares what his reaction will be? He isn't the Lord of the Rings or anything else for that matter. The only reason he received any attention at all is because he behaved like an on=air psychotic. People don't usually get to see that kind of behavior unless they work on a locked ward.)

Military Opposition

But Obama’s dilemma is not just that he is offending the plutocrats of the U.S. financial sector, or that he faces Republican resistance in Congress, or that he’s running headlong into the Right’s potent media machine.

Obama also will have to take on key leaders of the U.S. military. Part of this is his own fault for listening to centrist Democrats who urged him to retain President Bush’s Defense Secretary Robert Gates, one of Obama’s high-profile gestures of bipartisanship.

(I'm not so sure about Robert's analysis here:

I'm not so sure that Obama's decisions were born out of a futile wish for bipartinship. Take a careful look at the cabinet positions he offered Republicans. DOD and Transportation, for example.

Nevermind Judd Gregg. According to my sources, Mr. Gregg had a few more problems than just "philoshophical" disagreements with any Democrat; disagreements he must have had before he agreed to take the job and then bailed.

If there is a hit on U.S. soil, early on in the Obama administration, it's a good thing to have Republicans in those positions that will surely be blamed.

Look at who George W. Bush/Dick Cheney kept on from the, supposedly, much hated Clinton administration: Tenet at the CIA and Mineta at Transportation, the two agencies that took the biggest hit in terms of blame for 9/11. Of course, Junior remained "grandly loyal" to them both, keeping them on after the worst attack on American soil since the war of 1812. After that, they owed him big time. Just about everyone blamed the CIA and Transportation, after it became public knowledge that we had been warned, time and time again, that just such an attack was not only possible but imminent.

After that, the DOT was asked to beef up security (meaning harrass the American flying public so we would all feel safe, LOL. Tenet was asked to take the blame for the "bad Intel." that supposedly led us into a war of aggression and eventually had to fall on his sword to save Bush and Cheney from the gallows. For this he received the Medal of Freedom or some damn thing, which now means nothing to anyone but an award for silence.)

Though well-liked in Washington power circles – and possessing a disarming style – Gates has a history as a hawkish policymaker who will undercut a President he sees as going soft. As a young CIA officer, Gates was linked to the behind-the-scenes sabotage of Carter in 1980. [See Parry’s Secrecy & Privilege, or Consortiumnews.com’s “The Secret World of Robert Gates.”]

Gates had better be careful. This nation is in too dire a straights for him to be messing with a duly elected president and those who elected him.

When Bush nominated Gates to replace Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld in November 2006, Official Washington (and many Democrats) assumed that the move meant that Bush was adopting a more pragmatic approach to Iraq and would soon begin a phased withdrawal.

What Washington insiders misunderstood was that Rumsfeld had become a relative dove on Iraq and opposed a troop “surge.” Meanwhile, Gates – both as a member of the bipartisan Iraq Study Group and in a meeting with Bush in Crawford, Texas – was supporting an escalation of troops in Iraq.

(Did official Washington really misunderstand, or were they simply happy that Poppy's man was in and a Nixon/Cheney man was out? For some reason, D.C. insiders still have respect for the old man)

As Bush told Bob Woodward in an interview for the book, The War Within, Gates “said he thought that [a troop increase] would be a good idea.” Bush added: “In November [2006], I’m beginning to think about not fewer troops, but more troops. And, interestingly enough, the man I’m talking to in Crawford feels the same way.”

To open the door for the “surge” of about 30,000 additional U.S. troops, Bush also ousted his two field commanders, Gens. John Abizaid and George Casey, replacing them with pro-surge generals, David Petraeus and Ray Odierno, who remain the top two commanders today.

Although Obama ran for President on a platform calling for withdrawal of U.S. combat forces from Iraq within 16 months, his decision to retain Gates – announced in late November 2008 – apparently sent a message to Petraeus and Odierno that the incoming President could be persuaded to slow the withdrawal pace and possibly agree to a permanent U.S. military presence.

Instead of taking Obama’s 16-month timetable seriously, Petraeus and Odierno began outlining a scheme for a modest withdrawal of about 7,000 to 8,000 troops in the first six months of 2009 – bringing the total down to levels that still might be higher than those before the surge two years ago – and then keeping the numbers there until at least June 2009 when additional judgments would be made, according to a New York Times report in mid-December 2008.

There was an article in the Houston chronicle a couple of years ago all about Bush friends visiting the W.H. and coming home with real concerns about Junior's mental health. They said that Junior had advised them that nobody should be concerned about any president who followed him having free reign in Iraq...that he was busy setting a trap for the next occupant of the W.H. that would make it impossible for him/her to exit Iraq any time soon, if ever. As Babs Bush once said, her son is crazy like a fox. Meanwhile, the U.S. is rapidly swirling down the toilet as a result of the trap Junior mentioned regarding Iraq and, I would bet, traps haiving to do with the economy, Afghanistan and more.

The Bush/Cheney administration, along with their enablers in Congress, on Wall Street, right-wing media and in Neoconservative "think"tanks, are surely trying their dead-level best to re-write the criminal history of the last administration. We must not let them!

‘Stay the Course’

Rather than “change you can believe in,” the generals seemed to have in mind something closer to Bush’s “stay the course.” They also appeared to have little respect for the “status of forces agreement” signed with the Iraqi government, calling for U.S. military withdrawal from the cities by June 30, 2009, and a complete American pullout by the end of 2011.

Odierno, top commander of U.S. forces in Iraq, said American combat troops will remain in Iraqi cities after June 30, 2009, though called “transition teams” advising Iraqi forces. Col. James Hutton, a spokesman for Odierno, later amplified on the general’s comments, characterizing U.S. troops staying behind in the cities as “enablers to Iraqi security forces.”

Iraqi critics of the status-of-forces agreement took note of these American word games of redefining U.S. troops as “transition teams” and “enablers.”

“This confirmed our view that U.S. forces will never withdraw from the cities next summer, and they will never leave Iraq by the end of 2011,” said Ahmed al-Masoudi, a spokesman for a Shiite parliamentary bloc close to radical Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr.

As for the final pullout deadline of Dec. 31, 2011, Odierno observed that it, too, could be waived. “Three years is a very long time,” he told reporters.

Washington Post military writer Thomas E. Ricks picked up a similar message from Odierno and other military leaders during interviews for Ricks’s new book, The Gamble.

In an Outlook piece for the Post, Ricks wrote: “The widespread expectation inside the U.S. military is that we will have tens of thousands of troops [in Iraq] for years to come. Indeed, in his last interview with me last November, Gen. Raymond T. Odierno, the top U.S. commander in Iraq, told me that he would like to see about 30,000 troops still there in 2014 or 2015.”

Reflecting this consensus within the U.S. military, Ricks wrote, “I worry now that we are once again failing to imagine what we have gotten ourselves into and how much more we will have to pay in blood, treasure, prestige and credibility. I don't think the Iraq war is over, and I worry that there is more to come than any of us suspect.”

Ricks quoted Col. Peter Mansoor, a top aide to Gen. Petraeus, as saying: “This is not a campaign that can be won in one or two years. … The United States has got to be willing to underwrite this effort for many, many years to come. I can't put it in any brighter colors than that."

Resistance to Obama

In other words, some top U.S. field commanders took the measure of the incoming Commander in Chief and concluded that they could roll him. When Petraeus and Gates met with Obama on Jan. 21, they reportedly were surprised when he insisted that they submit a plan that would phase out U.S. combat forces in 16 months.

Citing two sources familiar with the meeting, investigative reporter Gareth Porter wrote that the Pentagon brass was upset with Obama's refusal to back down, but they still saw the meeting as essentially an opening skirmish in the battle to reverse the 16-month withdrawal pledge.

“The decision to override Petraeus's recommendation [for a longer stay in Iraq] has not ended the conflict between the President and senior military officers over troop withdrawal,” Porter wrote. “There are indications that Petraeus and his allies in the military and the Pentagon, including Gen. Ray Odierno, now the top commander in Iraq, have already begun to try to pressure Obama to change his withdrawal policy.

“A network of senior military officers is also reported to be preparing to support Petraeus and Odierno by mobilizing public opinion against Obama's decision.”

According to Porter, that group includes retired Gen. Jack Keane, who was a leading proponent of the Iraq troop “surge” and a longtime friend of Petraeus.

Obama also can expect fierce resistance from the Right if he pushes ahead with plans to rein in Pentagon spending. Already, Washington Post columnist Robert Kagan, a prominent neocon, has written a column entitled, “No Time to Cut Defense.”

Yep, God only knows how many financial portfolios, hidden from public view in private investment groups, will sink if Obama cuts spending for the "the Beast." Just look at how long the "peace dividend" lasted after the Berlin Wall came tumbling down during GHWB's one term. It seemed like a mere blink of the eye before we were blasting Baghdad and surrounding parts of Iraq, a military intervention which eventually brought us to the current nightmare; a military intervention that was also based on quite a few lies and double dealing.

And the defenders of the Bush administration are gearing up for a full-scale political war if Obama’s Justice Department moves forward on criminal investigations relating to Bush’s authorization of torture and other crimes committed under the umbrella of the “war on terror.”

(We can only hope that the war they plan on waging is "political." from what we hear and read, the war may come to much more than that.)

So, just one month into his presidency, Obama finds himself surrounded by a growing A-list of powerful enemies.

This may not become his “Seven Days in May” moment, but he can be sure that his adversaries want him – like Jimmy Carter – to be a one-term President.

....and we, U.S. unaligned independents, may be the least powerful people in the industrialized world, until election day in the U.S., as a general rule. We are generally moderate, leaning slightly left or right depending on what's happening in the nation. We are free thinkers, tied to no ideology but believers in democratic principles of governance, like majority rule with protection for the minority, but tyranny by neither. Rather, we believe, it is better when politicians put the nation's interests above the interest of their own party or their own political careers and, therefore, seek consensus where and when it can be found.

That being said, we will not tolerate attempts to sabotage of the president we elected, nor his administration, as long as he is doing his best to make the changes we elected him to make and given the horrible mess he inherited.

Independent, unaligned voters, unlike many liberals, believe there is a ver good reason for the second amendment, especially when the first amendment is threatened, and don't have a problem with responsible gun-ownership or ownership of other means of self-protection. Unlike the type of conservatives we see today, we are horrified by the hate speech coming from the likes of Limbaugh, Hannity, Coulter, O'Reilly and others who make up the Right-wing media and the very obvious obstructionism by right-wing politicians, both in and out of D.C..

We are sick and tired of it! We support our president and we will do whatever it takes to help him and protect him from those who wish to cancel out our votes and continue with the criminal policies of George W. Bush and his administration.


Robert Parry broke many of the Iran-Contra stories in the 1980s for the Associated Press and Newsweek. His latest book, Neck Deep: The Disastrous Presidency of George W. Bush, was written with two of his sons, Sam and Nat, and can be ordered at neckdeepbook.com. His two previous books, Secrecy & Privilege: The Rise of the Bush Dynasty from Watergate to Iraq and Lost History: Contras, Cocaine, the Press & 'Project Truth' are also available there. Or go to Amazon.com.

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Let The Sun Shine In......

Monday, March 2, 2009

The American Corpoate Media Did Themsevles In....

Seems they care more about their insider status and their 6 figure (or more) incomes than they do the country or its people.

It time they paid the price, one way or the other!

It’s widely agreed that there are a number of factors dragging down American newspapers, including the economic recession and the impact of the Internet, but a reason rarely mentioned is that the national news media failed in its most important job – to serve as a watchdog for the people.

As Americans look out over the wreckage of the past three decades – and especially the last eight years – there have been too many times when the constitutionally protected U.S. news media didn’t raise the alarm or even joined in spreading misinformation that advanced the disastrous mismanagement of the U.S. economy and government.

Not that anyone should derive pleasure from watching once formidable institutions like the New York Times and the Washington Post fade into pale shadows of their former selves.

But it also must be acknowledged that decisions by senior management of those and other top news organizations contributed to their own decline, especially the failure to stand up to the Right’s increasingly effective propaganda that emerged in the late 1970s in the wake of Richard Nixon’s Watergate debacle and the American defeat in Vietnam.

The Right was determined to prevent “another Watergate” and “another Vietnam.” So, key Republican strategists, such as former Treasury Secretary William Simon, went to work building their own media infrastructure, which included special groups to attack mainstream reporters who got in the way.

Rather than standing up to this pressure and defending the kind of aggressive journalism that exposed Nixon’s criminality and the lies behind the Vietnam War, many major news organizations consciously retreated from that watchdog tradition. [See Robert Parry’s Lost History.]

At the New York Times, neoconservative executive editor Abe Rosenthal talked about moving his newspaper “back to the center,” by which he meant to the right. Washington Post chairwoman Katharine Graham also was uncomfortable with the adversarial position of her newspaper and sidled up to President Ronald Reagan when he came to power in 1981.

When I was hired at Washington Post-owned Newsweek in 1987 – supposedly to pursue the Iran-Contra scandal that I had helped expose while at the Associated Press – I was surprised to find senior Newsweek executives fretting about the possibility that Iran-Contra could become another Watergate.

The very company (the Washington Post), which was credited with blowing the whistle on Nixon’s Watergate crimes, seemed not to want “another Watergate,” in part because it might damage the generally friendly dinner-party relationships that had developed with the Reagan insiders, which in turn might upset Mrs. Graham.

I ran into this corporate reality when I pressed ahead with an investigation showing that the Iran-Contra scandal was not a rogue operation run by White House aide Oliver North and a few men of zeal – but rather was authorized and directed by President Reagan and Vice President George H.W. Bush with the active support of the CIA.

I encountered hostility from Newsweek’s top brass in New York and little support from my immediate superiors in Washington. The message was that the Iran-Contra scandal should be wrapped up quickly, that it should not go any higher, and that additional digging would not be “good for the country.”

It was known inside Newsweek that executive editor Maynard Parker was cozy with key neoconservatives and the CIA, while Washington bureau chief Evan Thomas was a great admirer of the neocon writers at The New Republic. It soon became clear that battling to tell Iran-Contra truths was not a route to career advancement.

Changing Journalism

More broadly, the character of journalism was changing, too.

Instead of the Watergate/Pentagon Papers image of scrappy reporters and hardened editors standing up to the powers-that-be, star journalists and well-paid executives were partaking in the riches and comforts of a then-booming industry with extra money to be made on TV pundit shows – if you stayed safely within the bounds of Washington’s “conventional wisdom.”

In short, many people in the news business stopped being outsiders keeping an eye on the insiders for the American public, but rather they became insiders themselves.

And the fastest way to lose your lucrative insider status was to offend the Right, which was building a vast media infrastructure that could easily pick off the few reporters and editors who resisted this new paradigm.

By the time I left Newsweek in 1990, I was convinced that the mainstream U.S. news media had moved beyond a point where it could be reformed. It was becoming incapable of examining complex cases of wrongdoing either by the government or the private sector.

Yet, when I approached liberal foundations with my first-hand insights – and my recommendation that they must begin investing aggressively in a counter-media infrastructure – the reaction I received was usually one of bemusement. “We don’t do media” went one typical reaction.

So, the downward media spiral continued, accelerated by the emergence of right-wing talk radio (which hammered even mildly center-left politicians like Bill Clinton) and cable news (which obsessed 24/7 on sensational crime stories, such as the O.J. Simpson case).

One of the reasons I founded Consortiumnews.com in 1995 was that the market for well-documented stories about the serious wrongdoing of the Reagan-Bush-41 years had disappeared. That information was considered too historical as well as too risky.

By then, top media commentators also had bought into the insiders’ faith in globalization and deregulation as well as the value of a “tough-guy” foreign policy and a dismissive attitude toward tree-hugging environmentalists.

You could safely protect your future as a big-name media star if you parroted Bob Woodward's view that Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan was a “maestro,” if you followed the foreign policy lead of neocons like Charles Krauthammer and Fred Hiatt, or if you echoed Gregg Easterbrook’s critique of environmental extremists.

In Campaign 2000, the Washington press corps sank to its junior-high worst when it ganged up on nerd Al Gore and fairly swooned at the feet of big-man-on-campus George W. Bush.

Not only was there no warning about the danger of putting an unqualified dauphin like Bush in charge of the federal government, the major U.S. news media – led by the New York Times and the Washington Post – paved the way by treating Gore as a delusional braggart. [For details, see Neck Deep.]

The Bush-43 Era

Then, with Bush in place, the U.S. news media spent the crucial summer of 2001 obsessed with one of many white-girl-goes-missing stories – about Washington intern Chandra Levy who had had an affair with a Democratic congressman, Gary Condit.

Almost no attention was paid to the growing alarm inside the U.S. intelligence community about the prospects of a terrorist attack from Osama bin Laden’s al-Qaeda organization. And once the attack took place on 9/11, the news media lined up unquestioningly behind Bush, who then mounted a public relations campaign to justify invading Iraq.

Besides failing to ask tough questions of Bush, the major U.S. news media joined in cheerleading for the go-go financial era, offering little or no substantive criticism of the dangers from a deregulated global economy. Indeed, any commentator who dared challenge the conventional wisdom about “free markets” and “free trade” almost surely would get drummed out of the media insider club.

The Washington Post became a prime example of all these trends – and did so in contradiction to the political views of much of its community, one of the most liberal in the country. Though facing competition only from two right-wing newspapers (the Washington Times and the Examiner), the Post charted a neocon editorial direction that often insulted its more liberal readers.

A typical day in the life of the Post’s editorial section offers up the writings of neocons like Krauthammer, William Kristol, Robert Kagan and editorial page editor Hiatt. (Hiatt oversaw an ugly campaign to discredit Iraq War critic Joseph Wilson, whose wife, covert CIA officer Valerie Plame, was exposed by senior officials in the Bush administration.)

Besides the neocons, you might find more traditional conservatives like George Will and Kathleen Parker, plus laissez-faire economic writer Robert Samuelson and pro-Iraq War “insiders” like David Ignatius, Jim Hoagland and Richard Cohen.

Liberals, such as E.J. Dionne and Eugene Robinson, are almost always in a distinct minority.

So, when the Washington Post complains about its 77 percent drop in fourth-quarter earnings, its loss of advertising during the economic downturn, its three rounds of staff buyouts, or its circulation struggles in the face of Internet competition, many Washingtonians may be inclined to say simply, “it’s your own damn fault.”

(And they would be dead-on,)

Liberal Failings

But blame for America’s media mess also must fall on wealthy liberals and progressives who have largely stayed on the sidelines as the right-wing juggernaut rolled over honest reporters during the past three decades and thus made the fabrication of a false national narrative much easier.

The Left’s failure to engage on media also represents possibly the biggest threat to the young Obama presidency and to its ambitious reform agenda, which includes broader availability to health care, stronger environmental protections, more resources for education, help to unions, and investments in the national infrastructure.

George Lakoff, a professor of cognitive science at the University of California-Berkeley, described this problem in a HuffingtonPost article on Feb. 24 entitled The Obama Code. Though the article focuses on how Obama frames his rhetorical arguments, Lakoff adds near the end:

“The conservative message machine is huge and still going. There are dozens of conservative think tanks, many with very large communications budgets. … About 80 percent of the talking heads on TV are conservatives.

“Rush Limbaugh and Fox News are as strong as ever. There are now progressive voices on MSNBC, Comedy Central, and Air America, but they are still overwhelmed by [the] Right's enormous megaphone.

“Republicans in Congress can count on overwhelming message support in their home districts and homes states. That is one reason why they were able to stonewall on the President's stimulus package. They had no serious media competition at home pounding out the Obama vision day after day.

“Such national, day-by-day media competition is necessary. Democrats need to build it. … The President and his administration cannot build such a communication system, nor can the Democrats in Congress. The DNC does not have the resources.

“It will be up to supporters of the Obama values, not just supporters on the issues, to put such a system in place. Despite all the organizing strength of Obama supporters, no such organizing effort is now going on.

“If none is put together, the movement conservatives will face few challenges of fundamental values in their home constituencies and will be able to go on stonewalling with impunity. That will make the President's vision that much harder to carry out.”

So, while it is undeniably true that the mainstream news media has failed the American people – and that the nation is paying a terrible price for that failure – it’s also true that liberals and progressives have contributed to the problem by seeing media as someone else’s responsibility.

Combined with the Right’s disinformation and the cowardice of the mainstream, the Left’s media blindness – the “we-don’t-do-media” syndrome – has enabled the unfolding American political/economic disaster, which has now carried the country and the world to the brink of a global depression.

It is way past time for people of goodwill to respond.

Robert Parry broke many of the Iran-Contra stories in the 1980s for the Associated Press and Newsweek. His latest book, Neck Deep: The Disastrous Presidency of George W. Bush, was written with two of his sons, Sam and Nat, and can be ordered at neckdeepbook.com. His two previous books, Secrecy & Privilege: The Rise of the Bush Dynasty from Watergate to Iraq and Lost History: Contras, Cocaine, the Press & 'Project Truth' are also available there. Or go to Amazon.com.

Let The Sun Shine In......