Sunday, August 16, 2009

Cheney Dares Holder With Outing Of Bush

Barton Gellman of the Washington Post has now joined feature writers from Time in aping Cheney’s hagiographer in chief, Stephen Hayes of The Weekly Standard. They all choose to dote on Cheney’s loyalty to his former chief of staff, Irv Lewis “Scooter” Libby, while ignoring reasons why Cheney might have hoped for a presidential pardon himself.
Gellman is a talented journalist with a tainted record. He wrote a truly shameless article for the Post when it was competing with The New York Times for cheerleading laurels prior to the war on Iraq.
Remember those dangerous sounding “aluminum tubes” said to be procured by Iraq to develop a nuclear bomb — the ones that turned out to be for conventional artillery?
The Bush administration tasked the Times’ Judith Miller and Michael Gordon to push the canard that the tubes’ technical properties showed the intended use to be as casings for rotors in centrifuges to enrich uranium, a key step in producing a nuclear bomb. The pair rose to the occasion with flair.
We have witnessed some real journalistic prostitution during the last 40 years, but nothing to equal the 8 years of BuCheney administration.
The Times front-paged their story on Sunday, Sept. 8, 2002; and on the morning talk shows Dick Cheney, Colin Powell, Donald Rumsfeld and Condoleezza Rice all referred to the Times story.
First leak it; then confirm it. It worked like a charm. None of the talk show hosts thought to ask an impolite question — like who gave the information to the Times.
Simple tactics, but that's all one needs when dealing with simpletons.
The Post’s Gellman was suborned into doing a similar story on chemical weapons in the fall of 2002, when the White House was fuming at recalcitrant analysts in both the Defense Intelligence Agency and the CIA.
The not-yet-corrupted intelligence analysts still there could simply not get the hang of it. They were having a hard time, sans evidence, in producing faith-based intelligence on “weapons of mass destruction” in Iraq.
DIA had issued a formal report saying there was no evidence of active chemical or biological weapons programs. And CIA analysts could find no credible evidence of meaningful ties between Iraq and al Qaeda, despite the extreme pressure to find some.
(The CIA ombudsman told the Senate Intelligence Committee there occurred a “hammering” of analysts more severe than any he had seen in his 32-year career in the analysis directorate.)
Gellman to the Rescue
On Dec. 12, 2002, the Post front-paged a Gellman report that “Islamic extremists affiliated with al Qaeda took possession of a chemical weapon in Iraq last month or in late October.” The story was attributed to “two officials with firsthand knowledge of the report and its source.”
Lest any readers miss the import, Gellman stressed that, if true, this “would be the most concrete evidence to support the charge, aired for months by President Bush and his advisers, that al Qaeda terrorists receive material assistance in Iraq.”
The next 27 paragraphs of Gellman’s story were so laden with caveats and the subjunctive mood that they brought to mind Alice’s plaintive cry in Wonderland:
“There is no use trying, said Alice; one can't believe impossible things. I dare say you haven't had much practice, said the Queen. When I was your age, I always did it for half an hour a day. Why, sometimes I've believed as many as six impossible things before breakfast.”
The Dec. 12, 2002 Post article drew loud complaints, including from the paper’s ombudsman, Michael Getler, who asked: “What, after all, is the use of this story that practically begs you not to put much credence in it? Why was it so prominently displayed, and why not wait until there was more certainty about the intelligence?”
Come on, Getler; you know why. Bush and Cheney were scraping for evidence to “justify” attacking Iraq. Gellman and your paper were happy to oblige.
Having proved his mettle, Gellman was able to acquire the kind of access to Cheney and his palace guard that would enable him to write a useful book, Angler: The Cheney Vice Presidency, with some stunning revelations.
For example, Gellman describes how Cheney convinced then-House Majority Leader Dick Armey, a leading Republican opponent of war with Iraq, to vote in favor of the war resolution:
"Cheney ... had ... a borrowed hideaway office in the Capitol building. … He brings Armey in ... [and says] 'Let me explain to you what's really going on. ... Saddam is much more dangerous than we want to tell the public.'"
"He told Armey two things that he's never said in public and that are not true," Gellman continues. "He said that Saddam personally … had direct ties with al Qaeda. And he said that Iraq was making substantial progress towards a miniature nuclear weapon" and would soon have “packages that could be moved even by ground personnel" and "a delivery system in their relationship with organizations such as al Qaeda."
These claims, writes Gellman, "crossed so far beyond the known universe of fact that they were simply without foundation."
Good for Gellman — Then
But Gellman now seems to be angling for still more access to Cheney and his dwindling circle of supporters. In his Post article on Thursday, “Cheney Uncloaks His Frustration With Bush,” Gellman is back to fawning for food.
Maybe he has another book in mind, confident that no one will take seriously the panegyric likely to come from the pen of Cheney’s “authorized biographer,” neocon Stephen Hayes.
Gellman’s sugary piece gets a little sickening, but bear with me. Apparently, it is easy to focus on Cheney’s imaginary redeeming qualities, if you limit your interviews to his inner circle.
From Cheney’s second-term national security adviser John Hannah, and Aaron Friedberg, a foreign policy adviser, Gellman learns that Cheney “really feels he has an obligation to save the country from danger.”
Another interviewee was impressed by Cheney’s “continuing zeal” for the positions he took while in office. Gellman describes Cheney as “urgently focused … on shaping events.”
Gellman also stirs up some empathy for the lion-in-winter ex-Vice President. According to Gellman, Cheney takes a morning drive to Starbucks for a decaffeinated latte (no caffeine because of his heart condition, you know) and attends the soccer and softball games of his grandchildren.
The trouble for Gellman’s sympathetic portrayal is that there is far too much evidence of criminal activity on the record about his subject, though you wouldn’t know that from reading the Post article.
What Cheney is “urgently focused” on right now is staying out of prison. As he sits writing his memoir in his own Eagle’s Nest over his garage in a fancy Virginia suburb, Cheney is pulling out all the stops to ensure that he does not have to face the music for war crimes.
For Cheney, there apparently will be no trips to Paris? No, that’s where Rumsfeld almost got arrested two years ago. After a war-crimes complaint was lodged, he had to go out the back door of the embassy and dart to the airport for the first flight back to the U.S., before the Paris magistrate decided whether or not to detain him.
Angry at Bush, But Why?
I do think that Hayes, the pundits for Time and Gellman have it right when they say that Cheney is angry with George W. Bush, but they are disingenuous about the reason why. They must have figured out that when Cheney vents his anger at Bush’s failure to pardon Libby, the ex-Vice President is really livid that Bush did not issue a blanket pardon for Cheney and other co-conspirators.
Cheney had every reason to expect the pardon (excusing crimes such as torture and launching an aggressive war by deceiving Congress), given that he seems to have engaged in those crimes with his boss’ full knowledge and encouragement.
Can these journalists be so dense that they miss this motive for Cheney’s anger? They paint a picture of a man intensely loyal to a favored subordinate; and that is no doubt true, since one’s power is diminished to the extent you are not seen as able to rescue someone in your employ.
But when Cheney accuses Bush of abandoning “an innocent man” who had served the President loyally; when Cheney excoriates anyone who would “sacrifice the guy who was asked to stick his head in the meat grinder” — he appears to be talking about himself as much as Libby.
It is such an obvious allegory, a classic example of self-pity masquerading as altruism; and the pundits don’t get it — or, more likely, pretend not to.
My sense is that Cheney is feeling abandoned; that he senses the real danger of being brought to justice; and that he is waging a series of pre-emptive strikes to head that off.
....And an abandoned authoritarian can, indeed, be a dangerous animal.
Put yourself in Cheney’s shoes, as uncomfortable as they might be. Daughter Liz has disclosed more than once what has her father so agitated — press reports that Attorney General Eric Holder is close to appointing a special prosecutor to investigate White House-authorized crimes, including torture — not policy differences, mind you, but capital crimes under U.S. as well as international law.
Cheney’s war crimes and other felonies? Not enough room to list them all here. But suffice it to say that Cheney’s fingerprints – and those of his legal counsel David Addington – are all over the torture policies. Inspector General reports from the Department of Justice and from the CIA are scheduled to be released soon and are sure to reveal more Cheney fingerprints.
Attorney General Holder reportedly found the CIA IG report nauseating with what are likely to be stomach-churning accounts of torture.
Revealing Photos
Still more photos, videos and documents are likely to surface in the months ahead revealing more evidence of torture, kidnapping and perhaps hit-team activities – even if President Barack Obama succeeds in keeping most of the photos under wraps.
Reading recently about the post-WWII Nuremberg Tribunal, I was reminded that it was the film of Nazi concentration camps that wiped the arrogant smirks off the faces of senior Nazi officials, defendants like Hermann Goering and Rudolf Hess.
Bulldozers pushing corpses into open pits, bodies stacked like cordwood — the films of such atrocities had devastating effect. According to one witness, “Field Marshal Wilhelm Keitel sat there, bent over and broken, mopping his lined face with a soggy ball of handkerchief.” The smirks never came back.
I saw that on the History Channel not more than a few weeks ago, about the trial of unrepentant authoritarians in 1940s Germany; people so toxic because their entire, short-lived Nazi Empire was built on grotesque lies which lead to false pride, ugly nationalism and hatred of other. The German people have spent nearly 60 long years in the global political wilderness. It has been a long road back for the German people, from the desolation of their country by the Nazi Party. We, Americans, would do well to contemplate the fate of the German people and ask ourselves if we really need that experience. The allies had a military victory over the axis nations. We may well suffer an economic holocaust. There is more than one way to win a world war, these days.
Cheney and his associates have got to be prepared for something similar, even though they were not vanquished in war. They probably consider the chances slight that they would be brought to an international court, even though Chief U.S. prosecutor, Supreme Court Justice Robert H. Jackson, pointedly warned at Nuremberg:
“…the ultimate step in avoiding periodic wars, which are inevitable in a system of international lawlessness, is to make statesmen responsible to the law. And … while this law is first applied against German aggressors, the law includes, and if it is to serve a useful purpose it must condemn aggression by any other nations, including those which sit here now in judgment.”
As for violations of U.S. law, the list is long. Interestingly, two of the three Articles of Impeachment against Richard Nixon approved by the House Judiciary Committee on July 27, 29 and 30, 1974, were based, in part, on misusing the CIA.
Such misuse was brought to a whole new level, as Cheney visited CIA Headquarters promoting “intelligence” on non-existent threats and took a leading role in misusing the agency to torture detainees.
There’s also the possibility that some of Cheney’s co-conspirators will renounce their abuses, either out of genuine remorse for the hubris they showed at the height of their powers or in a bid to rehabilitate their careers.
We have learned from our D.C. sources that this is a real possibility. There is amazing material out there which is still off the record but, probably, will not remain so after 2012.  The ACNM has not yet been forced to cover the recent past and all of its corruption. The day is coming and, we guestimate, before 2012.
From his new job at Texas Tech in Lubbock, former Attorney General Alberto Gonzales earlier this week conceded that he erred in using the word “quaint” and “the Geneva Convention” in the same sentence in a memo he signed on its way to President Bush when Gonzales was White House counsel.
Now that Gonzales has a job with health benefits, we can expect further steps to disassociate himself from the smoking-gun executive memorandum of Feb. 7, 2002, which ordered that the protections of the Geneva Conventions would not apply to al Qaeda or Taliban detainees.
Late last year, the Senate Armed Services Committee reported that this Feb. 7, 2002, memorandum “opened the door” to a wide range of abusive interrogations. It is also an open secret that Cheney’s chief lawyer David Addington drafted that memorandum, although Gonzales forwarded it on so Bush could sign it.

 
Though Addington mid-wifed a whole generation of Bush-era illegalities, he has pretty much disappeared from public view.
It seems a sure thing that the next time Addington comes to testify on the Hill, the smirks he displayed when he and John Yoo appeared before the House Judiciary will have disappeared. Addington’s view of the law is so bizarre that he might be disbarred. He is more liability than asset to Cheney at this point.
What to Expect
The bottom line for Cheney is this: Too much has gone wrong, and Cheney cannot afford to take any chances that there will not be more cracks in the wall protecting Bush-era secrets.
The good news, as far as Cheney is concerned, can be seen in the clear signs that neither Obama nor Holder have any stomach for holding Cheney to account — and still less for holding Bush accountable.
Perhaps there is something in the water here in Washington, but folks in power seem far more interested in circumventing the law than enforcing it — political expediency wins out over solemn oaths to protect and defend the Constitution.
Corruption can, indeed, be contagious, like small pox or some deadly virus cooked up in one of our biolabs or those of some other nation. Viral corruptous could kill billions of people and wipe out whole species.
At times this avoidance of accountability assumes ludicrous proportions, with the Obama administration going the extra mile and more to cover up its predecessors' misconduct.
Though I proudly voted for Obama, this fact is of great concern to me and other independents in the pelican group. I am afraid that Obama's major weakness, and we all have one, is that he is far too concerned with how our nation appears, our image. If we, as a nation, do not get past image consciousness, we will not survive as the U.S.A.
For instance, releasing the suppressed testimony of Dick Cheney before U.S. Attorney Patrick Fitzgerald in 2004 concerning the leaking of the name of CIA operations officer Valerie Plame (in order to discredit her husband, former U.S. Ambassador Joseph Wilson, who had accused the White House of “twisting” Iraq War intelligence) would certainly throw light on this sorry episode.
In the closing arguments of the trial at which Libby was found guilty of perjury and obstruction of justice, Fitzgerald declared: “There is a cloud over the Vice President…and that cloud remains because this defendant obstructed justice.”
Bush’s Justice Department refused to release Cheney’s testimony, even though, as Fitzgerald said, “there were no agreements, conditions and understandings” about keeping the transcript secret.
Then, instead of living up to President Obama’s promise of openness, the new administration continued to oppose releasing Cheney’s testimony. In addition to the many reasons adduced by the former administration for keeping the testimony secret, Obama/Holder’s lawyers added a new one, dubbed by Dan Froomkin the “Daily Show Disclosure Exclusion.”
As we have asked before, how could Cheney be more maligned than he already is? How could any of the ciminal members of the BuCheney administration be more maligned that they already have been? Untill there is justice and accountability, the court jesters will continue to speak truth, as they have for ages..
A Justice Department lawyer actually argued in federal court that there should be an exemption from the Freedom of Information Act disclosure rules for documents that might subject senior administration officials to embarrassment — as on Jon Stewart’s “Daily Show” on Comedy Central.
BWAHAHAHAHAHA!!!!!
Justice civil division lawyer Jeffrey M. Smith argued that, if Cheney’s remarks were published, then a future Vice President might refuse to provide candid information during a criminal probe out of concern “that it’s going to get on the ‘Daily Show.’”
Like Cheney has not done exactly that? Testimony while not under oath and holding the hand of one's co-conspirator is hardly testimony, as was the case with Bush and Cheney and the 9/11 Commission. That should have been, even for the most intellectually deprived among us, that something was highly rotten and it wasn't in Demark.
If I were Cheney, that feckless kind of lawyering would be music to my ears. I would read it as a sign of cowardice on the part of Obama and Holder.
Yep, I'm afraid that it is beginning to sound that way to us. I really hate this. 
Obama and Holder sometimes appear so eager to prove themselves to the Washington Establishment that they protect Bush-Cheney secrets even when a disclosure would serve an important national security goal.
After all, a powerful argument for releasing Cheney’s transcript would be that it might discourage future senior government officials from leaking the identity of undercover CIA officers for craven political reasons. Also, it might give a politician pause before aiding and abetting a criminal cover-up.
If accountability for criminals doesn't work. If people do not get the right lesson from consequences, why have prisons at all? Why not have giant hospitals for sociopaths and psychopaths where they will be treated humanely but never allowed to inflict harm on the rest of the world again. Those with the most wealth and power can do more harm in one day than the rest of us could do in a lifetime. If anyone must be held accountable, it must be them.
It seems certain that prosecutor Fitzgerald asked Cheney to explain his handwritten note demanding that then-White House Press Secretary Scott McClellan falsely exonerate Libby in the Plame leak, like McClellan had already done for Bush’s political adviser Karl Rove.
Cheney wrote:
“not going to protect one staffer and sacrifice the guy that was asked to stick his head in the meat grinder because of incompetence of others - ”
However, instead of the words “that was,” Cheney had initially written, “this Pres” before striking through “this Pres.,” which was still legible.
You don’t have to be a crackerjack analyst to figure out why Cheney changed the active to the passive voice and struck out “this Pres.” The evidence indicates that President Bush was more directly involved in the Valerie Plame affair than is now understood.
CLEARLY!
Implicating Bush
Despite six months of resisting demands for a serious investigation of Bush-Cheney wrongdoing, Holder appears, finally, to be stepping to the plate with the intent of appointing a special prosecutor, albeit one whose authority may be tightly circumscribed.
We'll  believe it when we see it. Promises of transparancy and accountability will no longer hold water.
But Cheney doesn’t want to risk the chance that a special prosecutor might insist on expanding the probe beyond the possible indictment of a few low-level operatives who exceeded the Bush administration’s prescriptions on how much water to use in waterboarding a prisoner.
So, Cheney appears to be pursuing a new strategy of pre-emption. His most obvious tactic is to tie his actions on torture tightly to Bush. On May 10 when Bob Schieffer asked Cheney how much Bush knew about the “enhanced interrogation techniques," the former Vice President stated clearly, if redundantly:
“I certainly, yes, have every reason to believe he knew — he knew a great deal about the program. He basically authorized it. I mean, this was a presidential-level decision. And the decision went to the President. He signed off on it.”
Cheney was certainly eager to answer the question. The idea, of course, would be to juice the jitters he already perceives at senior levels of the Obama administration, and to make it clear that no one will take Cheney down alone; i.e., without Bush right beside him.
In Cheney's view, this image of a former President in the dock is sure to deter dithering lawyers and politicos at the top of the White House and Justice Department, who are more interested in sniffing the political winds than in enforcing the rule of law.
My worst fear is that Cheney may be right.
Ours too, Ray.............
Ray McGovern works with Tell the Word, the publishing arm of the ecumenical Church of the Saviour in inner-city Washington. He was a CIA analyst for 27 years and now serves on the Steering Group of Veteran Intelligence Professionals for Sanity (VIPS). 


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Let The Sun Shine In......

More of what we knew years ago....

Political adviser Karl Rove and other officials inside George W. Bush’s White House pushed for the firing of a key federal prosecutor because he wasn’t cooperating with Republican plans for indicting Democrats and their allies before the 2006 election, according to internal documents and depositions.
The evidence, which House Judiciary Committee chairman John Conyers released Tuesday and turned over to a special prosecutor, contradicts claims by Rove and other senior Bush administration officials that the White House played only a minimal role in the firing of David Iglesias and eight other U.S. Attorneys, who were deemed by a Justice Department official as not “loyal Bushies.”
In a recent interview with the New York Times and Washington Post, Rove downplayed his role in the firings, saying he only acted as a “conduit” for complaints that Republican Party officials and GOP lawmakers sent to him about the federal prosecutors. But the documents tell a different story.
The documents reveal that Rove, his White House aides and then-White House counsel Harriet Miers actively participated in the decision to oust New Mexico U.S. Attorney Iglesias because Republicans wanted him to bring charges against Democrats regarding alleged voter fraud and other issues.
According to Miers’s closed-door testimony to the House Judiciary Committee, a “very agitated” Rove phoned her from New Mexico, apparently in September 2006, and told her that Iglesias was “a serious problem and he wanted something done about it.”

At the time of the phone call, Rove had just met with New Mexico Republican Party officials angry at Iglesias, who was refusing to proceed with voter fraud cases because he felt the evidence was weak and because pre-election indictments would violate Justice Department guidelines.
Miers said she responded to Rove’s call by getting on the phone to Deputy Attorney General Paul McNulty and passing along the message that Rove "is getting lots of complaints." Miers added, "it was a problem." 
About one month later, Iglesias was added to the list of U.S. Attorneys to be removed.
But the documents show that White House dissatisfaction with Iglesias over his resistance to bringing politically motivated cases against Democrats had been building for more than a year. On June 28, 2005, Scott Jennings, one of Rove’s aides, sent an e-mail to Tim Griffin, another Rove aide, asking what could be done to remove Iglesias.
“I would really like to move forward with getting rid of NM US ATTY,” Jennings wrote, complaining that “Iglesias has done nothing” on prosecuting voter fraud cases and adding: “We’re getting killed out there.”
‘Driving Force’
In a statement on Tuesday, accompanying release of more than 5,000 pages of documents, including transcripts of the recent interviews with Rove and Miers, Conyers said the revelations warrant further inspection by special prosecutor Nora Dannehy, who has spent nearly a year conducting a criminal probe into the firings.
"After all the delay and despite all the obfuscation, lies, and spin, this basic truth can no longer be denied: Karl Rove and his cohorts at the Bush White House were the driving force behind several of these firings, which were done for improper reasons,” Conyers said.
A Justice Department watchdog report concluded last year that a majority of the prosecutor firings were politically motivated. The U.S. Attorney in Little Rock, Arkansas, was pushed out, so Rove's aide, Tim Griffin, could be given the job. But -- in the face of the growing scandal -- Griffin bowed out.
For months, Rove and Miers had dodged congressional subpoenas seeking their testimony in the matter, citing George W. Bush’s broad claims of executive privilege. But the Obama administration brokered a deal that had Rove and Miers testify behind closed doors.
Besides the Bush White House pressure for ousting Iglesias, powerful New Mexico Republicans also weighed in.
In October 2006, a month before the midterm elections that cost Republicans control of the Congress, an e-mail chain started by Rep. Heather Wilson, R-New Mexico, faulted Iglesias for not using his office in a manner that would help Wilson in her reelection campaign.
Wilson’s e-mail included a news report about an FBI probe of Rep. Curt Weldon, R-Pennsylvania, as an example of criminal investigations proceeding close to election day.
Steve Bell, chief of staff to New Mexico Sen. Pete Domenici, forwarded the e-mail to Jennings at Rove’s White House shop, with a note, saying it "seems like other U.S. attorneys can do their work even in election season. And the FBI has already admitted they have turned over their evidence [in a federal corruption probe] to the [U.S. Attorney] in [New Mexico] and are merely awaiting his action."
Jennings then passed along the e-mail to Rove, saying Iglesias was “shy about doing his job on [Patricia] Madrid,” a Democratic congressional candidate who would lose the 2006 election to Wilson by only 800 votes.
Last year, Wilson told Justice Department watchdogs investigating the U.S. Attorney purge that the context of her e-mail was more of a "heads up" to the recipients. She said that if she were asked by reporters about an FBI investigation into Madrid, she would confirm it. Madrid was New Mexico's former attorney general who was involved with a political action committee that was allegedly under scrutiny.
Domenici’s Intervention
Domenici also intervened, personally lobbying Bush’s top aides to fire Iglesias, according to the documents. Between September 2005 and April 2006, Domenici called Attorney General Alberto Gonzales three times to complain about Iglesias’s handling of voter fraud and corruption probes and to ask that he be fired.
Gonzales testified to Congress that he did not recall Domenici ever making such a request. Gonzales resigned in August 2007 amid the political fallout from the prosecutor-firing scandal.
On Oct. 4, 2006, Domenici also called Deputy Attorney General McNulty “expressing concern about Iglesias’s lack of fitness for the job of U.S. Attorney.”  
At one point, according to Rove’s testimony, Domenici wanted to speak with President Bush to press his case, but Rove talked him out of it. However, in October 2006, the senator personally asked Bush’s chief of staff Josh Bolten to replace Iglesias, according to White House phone logs and e-mails.

In congressional testimony, Iglesias said he also received telephone calls from Domenici and Wilson in October 2006 inquiring about the timing of an indictment against former state senator Manny Aragon, a Democrat, and other Democrats who were involved in a courthouse construction project.

Domenici’s interventions prompted a Senate Ethics Committee investigation, which resulted last year in a letter of reprimand for creating an “appearance of impropriety.” Special prosecutor Dannehy is probing possible obstruction of justice charges against Domenici and his former aide Bell.
Dannehy secured the testimony last April of Scott O’Neal, the assistant FBI special agent in charge of the Albuquerque field office, who reportedly informed Domenici or his aide Bell about the status of the FBI’s investigation of alleged Democratic wrongdoing, according to legal sources who requested anonymity because of the secrecy surrounding the probe.
In an interview, former U.S. Attorney Iglesias said the briefing to Domenici and/or Bell, if it did take place, would be significant because it would have required approval from himself or his former colleagues who never received a formal request from O’Neal or his FBI superiors.

The U.S. Attorney’s manual states that “personnel of the Department of Justice shall not respond to questions about the existence of an ongoing investigation or comment on its nature or progress, including such things as the issuance or serving of a subpoena, prior to the public filing of the document.”
Rove’s Fingerprints

 
Regarding Tuesday’s revelations, Iglesias said he had long suspected that Rove’s “fingerprints were all over this.”

 
In an interview with me two years ago, Iglesias said he believed “somewhere on an RNC computer – on some server somewhere – there’s an e-mail from Karl Rove stating why we need to be axed.” He added that he believed a “smoking gun” would eventually surface and lead directly to Rove and blow the scandal wide open.
“The e-mail timing [in October 2006] corroborates what I suspected,” Iglesias said Tuesday. Domenici and other New Mexico Republican Party officials “wanted me to file indictments and [Wilson] would benefit. They wanted to use me and my office as a political tool.”

 
Iglesias said Dannehy has access to “a lot of the facts” and “there still may be obstruction of justice charges” filed.  He added, “I can’t believe Gonzales did not know what was going on,” suggesting that the former attorney general may be one of Dannehy’s targets.
Domenici retired from the Senate and Wilson also left Congress in 2009 after unsuccessfully seeking the Republican nomination to fill Domenici’s seat, which is now held by Democratic Sen. Tom Udall.
Deputy Attorney General McNulty testified before Congress in February 2007 that the prosecutor firings were “performance related,” though that testimony also now appears to be in question.
Documents released by the Justice Department showed that Gonzales and McNulty participated in an hour-long meeting with Gonzales’s chief of staff Kyle Sampson, who compiled the list of prosecutors to be fired, a group he famously designated as not “loyal Bushies.”
The documents, along with Rove's and Miers’s testimony, contradict numerous public statements made by White House spokespersons Tony Snow and Dana Perino in the aftermath of the December 2006 firings. Snow and Perino insisted that the White House did nothing wrong and didn't oust prosecutors for political reasons.

Yet, upon being informed in November 2006 via e-mail of the plan to fire the U.S Attorneys, Perino responded: “Someone get me the oxygen can!” When told the firings included some U.S. Attorneys who were actively investigating GOP lawmakers who were alleged to be involved in corruption, Perino added: “Give me a double shot — I can’t breathe.”
The newly released documents also show that Kansas City U.S. Attorney Todd Graves was removed in a deal between the White House and Sen. Kit Bond of Missouri that appears to have been personally approved by Rove.

According to the documents, Bond agreed to lift his hold on an Arkansas judge nominated to the Eighth Circuit federal appeals court in exchange for Graves’s firing. A White House e-mail sent to Miers stated that “Karl is fine” with the proposal.
Jason Leopold has launched his own Web site, The Public Record, at www.pubrecord.org.
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Let The Sun Shine In......

Dobbs Finally Canned.By CNN

About Time, I'd say.......Old Lou had passed the "round the bend" mark several years ago.
 
It took him a long time, but CNN President Jon Klein finally got around to doing what he should have done a long time ago.

In order to maintain the professed trademark of his network for objectivity in broadcasting, he realized he had no choice but to fire Lou Dobbs.


Of course, cautious as he is, Klein did not fire the anti-immigration crusader directly, or even alone. He threw Dobbs overboard as part of a vendetta against radio talk show hosts in general.


As first reported on the Website TVNewser.com, in a conference call on Aug. 11, Klein told his producers they should no longer book radio talk show hosts on CNN shows: not on “The Situation Room,” nor Larry King, Anderson Cooper, or Campbell Brown. From now on, said his edict, no radio talkers will appear on CNN. Period.

Why? Because, argued Klein, radio talk show hosts are incapable of understanding or commenting on the important issues of the day. “Complex issues require world-class reporting,” sniffed Klein. Not only that, TVNewser.com quotes Klein as complaining that radio hosts too often do nothing more than “contribute to the noise,” and their comments are “all too predictable.”


Klein’s dead wrong, of course. Yes, we Americans do confront complex issues today, but radio talk show hosts like me, whether liberal or conservative, are more than capable of dealing with them. After all, that’s what we do for a living. We research the issues. We explain them to listeners. We take listener calls about them. We talk about them, on average, three hours a day — without a teleprompter. We understand the issues far better, in fact, than any blow-dried anchor that does little more than read a script, written by somebody else, for one hour at the most.


Now, I must admit, I was both puzzled and disappointed to learn of Klein’s manifesto. Puzzled because radio talk show hosts have long played an important role at the network. “Crossfire” actually began with two talk radio hosts, Pat Buchanan and Tom Braden. Other CNN personalities of yesterday or today — Larry King, Mary Matalin, Bill Bennett, Roland Martin, Glenn Beck, and yours truly — hosted, or continue to host, their own radio shows.


I’m disappointed by Klein’s decision because I enjoyed six good years at CNN — as co-host of “Crossfire” and “The Spin Room.” Since leaving the network (not voluntarily), I have jumped at the chance to appear occasionally as an unpaid guest on “The Situation Room,” “Reliable Sources,” or other CNN programs. I’m a big CNN fan, and I’ll miss being part of it.


But my grief is more than outweighed by one giant consolation: At least, this means the end of that pompous, arrogant, and obnoxious Lou Dobbs. After all, Lou Dobbs is also a nationally syndicated radio talk show host. So Klein’s edict — “No Radio Talk Show Hosts on CNN” — must mean the end of Lou Dobbs.


And it’s about time. Dobbs contradicts everything CNN supposedly stands for. He doesn’t just report, he pontificates. He doesn’t just deliver the news he pollutes it with his own opinions. He doesn’t even pretend to be in the middle of the road, he exults in being on the extreme right.


Actually, Klein missed two excellent opportunities to fire Dobbs. First, when Dobbs assumed the role of chief executioner for undocumented workers. No fine points about breaking up families or crippling certain American industries for Dobbs. If they’re here illegally, they should be sent back across the border, all 12 million of them. It’s the kind of daily rant you expect from right-wing FOX News, but not from “news leader” CNN.


Klein should also have dumped Dobbs for fanning the flames of the “birther” issue. Long after every serious news operation had dismissed questions about the authenticity of President Obama’s birth certificate as totally whacko, Dobbs kept beating the birther drum on CNN. But, instead of admonishing him to stick to “world-class reporting,” Klein himself said Dobbs was raising a legitimate issue.

Still, better late than never. We now know Lou Dobbs will be fired because we know Jon Klein is a man of his word. After all, he’s the president of CNN, “the most trusted name in news.” Surely, Klein would never ban all radio talk show hosts from CNN and leave talk show host Lou Dobbs on the air. Would he?

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Let The Sun Shine In......

Monday, August 3, 2009

Rachel Maddow: Cheney's Chagrin


Hear Ye, Hear Ye.....Vice is the antichrist!


Yuck, Yuck, Yuck......



more about "Rachel Maddow:Cheneys chagrin", posted with vodpod

Maddow: Birthers, a miscarriage of truth

Can things really GET any crazier?


We Have Become Rome! Just think about it.




more about "Maddow: Birthers, a miscarriage of truth", posted with vodpod

Diesel Reborn

Educate yourselves!!!!

 

By Dave Chameides, Contributor

Date Posted 10-24-2007


"You drive a what?"

"A diesel."

"A diesel?"

 

That's the response I usually get, along with a look of incredulity, when I tell friends that I drive a VW Golf TDI (turbodiesel direct injection).

 

It's not that they're accustomed to seeing diesels only at truck stops. It's that they expect me, an eco-conscious citizen bent on living a more sustainable lifestyle, to be driving something different. I then spend the next five minutes explaining that instead of driving a slow, loud, smoke-belching beast like they remember from the '70s, I drive a sleek, quiet speedster that runs on biodiesel and used vegetable oil and is as easy on my wallet as it is on the environment.

 

Yes, the diesel engine has come a long way from its bulky beginnings in the early 1900s. While its automotive 
future faltered toward the end of the 20th century here in the U.S., it is presently experiencing a resurgence of sorts. Still the darling of the trucking industry the world over, the diesel engine's strength, reliability, efficiency and ability to run on alternative fuel, coupled with the EPA's new National Clean Diesel Campaign, has car buyers reconsidering diesels as their future mode of transportation.

So what's changed, you ask? Let's take a look.

Peanuts
 

Dr. Rudolph Diesel (1858-1913) unveiled his compression engine at the 1898 Exhibition Fair in Paris. There, amid the grandeur of the world's fair, the talk was not only of the engine's impressive 75-percent efficiency rating (compared to the steam engine's 12 percent and the gasoline engine's 25 percent), but of the fact that it ran on plain old peanut oil.

Unlike the gasoline engine, which runs on combustion (gas is pumped into the pistons and ignited by a spark), Diesel's engine ran on compression (air is compressed to the point where it becomes extremely hot, thereby igniting the fuel mixture when it is injected). The result was an engine that was stronger, simpler and more efficient.

Seems that besides being a genius, Diesel was a bit of a socialist as well. It was his hope that by fueling an engine with biomass (plant material, vegetation or agricultural waste), he could take the power away from big industry and put it back into the hands of the everyday farmer and small businessman. "The use of vegetable oils may seem insignificant today, but such oils may become in the course of time as important as petroleum and the coal tar products of the present time," he said in 1912.

Diesel decided to travel abroad and share his engine design (including its uses in submarines and naval ships) with the Queen's navy. Unfortunately, while crossing the English Channel, he disappeared over the side of the ferry and was never heard from again. Conspiracy theories abound as to who or what caused his disappearance.

After Dr. Diesel's demise, his engine continued to be used throughout Europe and slowly made its way to the U.S. Due to the large injection pumps of the time, however, they were extremely cumbersome and were primarily used in heavy industry and shipping.

In 1919, Clessie L. Cummins, a mechanic here in the States, purchased the rights to the diesel engine and began work on making it smaller and more stable for use in automobiles. Around the same time, the oil conglomerates, which were just beginning to take shape, introduced a byproduct of gasoline distillation that would successfully run a diesel engine and marketed it as "diesel fuel." The new fuel became the standard for compression engines, and biomass fuel faded to the back of the pack.

Cummins continued to work on improving the diesel engine to the point where it began to make an impact in the automotive market. In the late '20s and '30s he set land speed records, drove cross-country in a diesel-powered vehicle for $11.22, and established an endurance record of 13,535 miles at the Indianapolis Speedway, after which, it is presumed, he took a long and well-deserved nap. The diesel was beginning to come into its own, and today the Cummins engine is one of the more popular diesel engines in use around the world.

Jumping ahead to the 1970s, the oil embargoes gave diesel engines their next big boost here in the U.S. Starved for oil, car buyers began to look for more efficient alternatives, and diesel was there for them. GM became one of the first American car companies to make a diesel passenger vehicle, earning it more than 60 percent of the market. Unfortunately, most of the cars it sold had gas engines that had been converted to diesel, causing them to be loud, dirty and problematic. Having developed a bad name, diesel passenger cars quickly faded from the American landscape, and gasoline engines returned as the norm.

 

Diesel gets clean(er)
 


While the '70s hurt the diesel engine's reputation here in the U.S., they never faded from the European scene. Last year, more than half of the luxury vehicles sold in Europe were diesel-powered. Now, with fuel prices on the rise and efficiency gaining momentum in consumer car-buying decisions, the diesel is primed for a return to the U.S. But the vehicles we are about to see won't be like any of those that came before.

 

Thanks to the EPA's new National Clean Diesel Campaign, diesels have undergone significant changes. The new engines, dubbed "clean diesels," will be subject to the same emissions restrictions as gasoline engines (tier-two emissions standards) thus making the concept of the "dirty" diesel a thing of the past.

 

Clean diesel technology will be achieved in two ways. For starters, beginning in June 2006, all diesel fuel sold in this country could contain no more than 15 ppm (parts per million) sulfur, compared with upward of 500 ppm that it used to contain. In addition, as of January 2007, all new diesel cars and trucks sold in the U.S. are required to have technology in place to reduce the smog-causing nitrous oxide (NOx) and particulate matter that escapes their tailpipes. According to EPA figures, with these standards in effect, 2.6 million tons of NOx along with 110,000 pounds of particulate matter will be eradicated each year.

 

While the new diesels will be as clean as their gas cousins, they offer a great many other benefits as well. 
Diesel fuel contains more energy than gasoline, which, in conjunction with the design and function of the engine, allows them to be much more efficient. The VW Lupo, a diesel-powered econocar sold in Europe, is rated at over 80 mpg. In 2000, two drivers took one on a 20,699-mile run and averaged 118 mpg at an average speed of 53.1 mph (Sure, they probably pulled out the seats to save weight, but hey, 118 mpg, right?).

 


On the sustainable front, diesels can be run on biodiesel and, with some modifications, used vegetable oil as well. This allows those of us who are interested in cleaning up our act to do something right now. And it's not just "greenies" doing this; the RallyVW team runs its cars exclusively on biodiesel. Earlier this year, an MIT study entitled "Vehicles and Fuels for 2020" found a diesel-electric hybrid to be on par with a hydrogen fuel cell-electric hybrid in terms of greenhouse gas emissions and total lifecycle energy use, which includes production, use and disposal (although it should be noted that pure electrics were not included in the study).

 

While the diesels of yesteryear were loud and sluggish, modern diesels are significantly quieter. (There's a reason why the TDI club sells license plate holders that read, "Yes, it's a diesel.") As for performance, they've come a long way in that department, too. Diesels have more low-end torque than an equivalent gasoline engine and many are turbocharged. Simply put, this allows you to jump off that starting line, or as VW touts, "It's what makes driving fun." Well, that and a really kickin' sound system.

 

In the coming years, expect to see new clean diesels from Audi, BMW, Honda, Mercedes, Nissan and VW, to name a few. Looking to the future, the possibility of diesel-electric hybrids, technology that is already in use in the mass-transit community, may offer even greater fuel-efficiency to the everyday driver.

 

So there you have it. Clean diesel technology, alternative fuel capability, accessibility and vroom. While the future of automotive transportation will hopefully be emissions-free, diesel is a great alternative that is here today, with even greater improvements on the way.



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Sunday, August 2, 2009

John Walker Lindh--A Lens And A Mirror


Sat Aug 01, 2009 at 10:30





Reflect on the following and how it sounded in 2002 versus how it sounds now, so many exposed lies, torture sessions and needless innocent deaths later:
JUAN GONZALEZ: When he returned to the United States in January 2002, John Walker Lindh was being held as a prisoner accused of conspiring to kill Americans. Newspapers around the world published photos of him naked, blindfolded and strapped to a gurney. On January 15, 2002, Attorney General John Ashcroft announced charges were being filed against him.

    JOHN ASHCROFT: In a complaint filed in the US District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia, the United States is charging Walker with the following crimes: one, conspiracy to kill nationals of the United States of America overseas; two, providing material support and resources to designated foreign terrorist organizations, including al-Qaeda; and three, engaging in prohibited transactions with the Taliban. If convicted of these charges, Walker could receive life imprisonment.

AMY GOODMAN: At the time, John Walker Lindh was twenty years old. Days after Ashcroft's press conference, Lindh was allowed to briefly see his parents. His father Frank spoke to the media soon after.

    FRANK LINDH: John loves America. We love America. John did not do anything against America. John did not take up arms against America. He never meant to harm any American, and he never did harm any American. John is innocent of these charges.

AMY GOODMAN: While John Walker Lindh was constantly being referred to as the American Taliban and as a traitor in the US media, the government's case against him largely fell apart.

As part of a plea deal, the Bush administration eventually dropped all the terrorism-related charges and the charge that he had conspired to kill Americans. In exchange, John Walker Lindh pleaded guilty to serving in the Taliban army and carrying weapons. He was given a twenty-year sentence and agreed not to talk about what had happened for the duration of his sentence and agreed to drop any claims that he had been tortured by the US military.

In the interview, we hear how Lindh came to convert to Islam, and then travel to Yemen to learn to speak classical Koranic Arabic:

AMY GOODMAN: And when did he decide to convert to Islam?

MARILYN WALKER: You know, in terms of when he decided, I'm not quite sure. The formal conversion was when he was sixteen. But he was inspired by a film, Spike Lee's film of Malcolm X, and the scene where the Hajj takes place. And he was really impressed with seeing these, you know, millions of people, all colors, all races, and that really moved him.

JUAN GONZALEZ: And, Frank Lindh, your reaction when you heard he was converting to Islam and wanted to go to the Middle East to study?

FRANK LINDH: Well, Juan, it sort of happened one thing at a time. He did convert, and Marilyn and I learned about it, actually, after the fact. But he went to a local mosque in Mill Valley, California and converted, went through this conversion ceremony, and then we found out later.

John was raised Catholic. I'm a Catholic, Roman Catholic, so it was certainly different. But we always, I think, had a feeling that it was a good thing for John. We respect Islam and so forth, so we've always supported his pursuit of Islam. He's a very spiritual person. And so, he did-yes, he converted when he was sixteen. It was about a year later that he made his decision to go to the Middle East to study Arabic, to learn to speak Arabic.

AMY GOODMAN: Why Yemen?

FRANK LINDH: Well, Yemen is-John did his research, and he convinced us that Yemen is really the best place to go to learn classical Arabic, kind of without a lot of modern vernacular, the traditional Arabic of the Koran. He was convinced, and we believed-still do-that that was the best place to go to learn Arabic. And he did, in fact, become fluent in Arabic.


He returned from Yemen when his visa expired, then returned, and went on to Pakistan to study and memorize the Koran:

JUAN GONZALEZ: So then he returned to Yemen, and you thought he was still in Yemen. When did you discover that he had-

FRANK LINDH: No, no, not exactly, Juan. He was in regular contact with us by email. He would go to internet cafes, and periodically he's write to me, to Marilyn, to his sister, and so forth. And then, in November of 2000, he asked me for my permission for him to go to Pakistan to study the Koran itself. There's a Koran memorization tradition in Pakistan. They have schools, these madrasas, that have specialized in that for several hundred years to memorize, literally, the Koran, and this is the goal of every educated Muslim. So I said, "Alright, you can go with my blessing, John." So, from Yemen, then he went to Pakistan and enrolled in a Koran memorization school in Pakistan.

AMY GOODMAN: So he's in a madrasa in Pakistan--

FRANK LINDH: Beginning, yeah, in November 2000.

AMY GOODMAN: So, this is before 9/11.

FRANK LINDH: Oh, long before 9/11. President Clinton was still the president at that time.

Where things went wrong was when Lindh made a decision without consulting his parents--a decision to get involved in the Afghan civil conflict, fighting in support of the Afghan government, which the US was supporting with hundreds of millions of dollars of foreign aid at the time, more than any other country:

FRANK LINDH [cont]: And then, in the spring of 2001, he made a decision that he didn't actually share with us, to go into Afghanistan to try to help defend--what he thought was doing was defending civilians in Afghanistan who were under attack by the Northern Alliance warlords, who were backed not by the United States, but by the Russians and the Iranians, and they were, in fact, committing atrocities against civilians. So John told me and his mom, with emails, "I'm going up to the mountains for the summer." This was in late April of 2001. But what he didn't tell us, the full truth was he intended to go over the mountains and into Afghanistan and spend the summer there.

JUAN GONZALEZ: And at that time, the new Bush administration was providing some degree of support for the Taliban, wasn't it?

FRANK LINDH: Yeah, I think fair to say, Juan, more than "some degree." We were the largest single donor of money to the Afghan government. In the first few months of the Bush administration in early 2001, we contributed hundreds of millions of dollars to the Taliban government. Our government did. And these were-this was all public. Secretary of State Colin Powell in April, around the same time John went, had a press conference and a public announcement about a grant of $46 million to the Taliban government. But that was just one of several grants that we made during that time.

AMY GOODMAN: So John Walker Lindh went to fight alongside the US-backed Taliban forces against the army of the Northern Alliance, which was run by General Dostum, who has now become the chief secretary--chief security aide to President Hamid Karzai. But very--

FRANK LINDH: Well, that's a lot of-yes, but, I mean, I think we all agree that John didn't do the right thing. I mean, it was a mistake--I think a mistake for him to go and get involved in another country's civil war. I mean, if he had consulted with me, I would have said, "No, John. Stay away from that." But he did, yes. He didn't go and fight against America. He went and aligned himself with the side that we were, and had been, supporting in that civil war.

They go on to play an excerpt from the documentary Afghan Massacre: Convoy of Death which begins with the battle of Qala-e-Jangi in late November 2001 that John Walker Lindh survived, and they detail his harrowing experiences, which he thought would come to an end once he was finally released to American custody.

AMY GOODMAN: .... I mean, you were so deeply relieved that he was in US military hands. Both Marilyn, you, and Frank thought, well, this is the beginning of the end or the beginning of the beginning, that you can get your son back.

FRANK LINDH: Well, we did think he was in safe hands, or would be in safe hands, once he got into US custody.

AMY GOODMAN: So, what happened?

FRANK LINDH: Well, he was taken to southern Afghanistan to Camp Rhino. And instead of being treated humanely, as you would expect under the Geneva Convention--


AMY GOODMAN: He was shot.

FRANK LINDH: He was already wounded. He had a bullet wound in his thigh, and he had shrapnel wounds in his legs. He was dehydrated. He suffered hyperthermia. He was very close to death in that media interview there.

And instead of being treated humanely--it's a difficult subject for us, but Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld--this is a document that came out in the discovery in John's case-ordered, "Take the gloves off." Juan referred to this. This was his order, direct order from the Secretary of Defense. And from that point forward, they severely abused John to the point that I would say constitutes torture. He was stripped naked in the winter. His bullet wound was left untreated. They put painful restraints, plastic restraints, around his wrists and his ankles, and he was tied to a gurney and placed naked in a metal--unheated metal shipping container in the desert and left there for two days and two nights shivering. His wounds were left--

AMY GOODMAN: Donald Rumsfeld-

FRANK LINDH: His wounds were left untreated.

AMY GOODMAN: Donald Rumsfeld's words? This is on his orders?

FRANK LINDH: Yes, it's in a document that John's lawyers received from the government, and those are the words in the document: "Take the gloves off in your interrogation of John Walker Lindh."

JUAN GONZALEZ: And other than that communication that you had from him through the Red Cross, Marilyn, did you get any other communication from him during this time?

MARILYN WALKER: No, no. And we wrote letters. Frank had written a letter to him through the Red Cross. I had written a letter. And he never received them. The Red Cross was not allowed to see him during that time to deliver the letters.

AMY GOODMAN: What?

MARILYN WALKER: The Red Cross was not allowed to deliver the letters that we wrote.

FRANK LINDH: We wrote letters saying, "John, we love you. We support you. We've hired a lawyer to help you. Please ask the authorities to allow us to visit you." And none of our letters were delivered to him.

At this time, his parents had retained a top lawyer to represent him, but Lindh knew nothing about it:

JUAN GONZALEZ: And the efforts of your lawyer on this side, in the United States, to reach the military or somehow or other get to him as a client, what happened there?

FRANK LINDH: Well, this lawyer is heroic. He's a wonderful lawyer, James Brosnahan in San Francisco. As soon as John was picked up on the 1st of December, I went in on Monday morning, the 3rd of December. I had known him as a lawyer. I asked him to represent my son. He agreed to do it. And he immediately, on that day, on the 3rd of December, sent a letter to Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld; Secretary of State Powell; George Tenet, the director of CIA; several other government officials; and said, "I represent John Lindh. Please give me and his parents safe passage to come and visit with him." So the government knew as of December 3rd. Attorney General Ashcroft was in that letter, as well, that John was represented by James Brosnahan.

AMY GOODMAN: And what happened?

FRANK LINDH: Well, the government never told him. They held him for fifty-four days incommunicado, until he was brought back to Washington, DC area, northern Virginia.


AMY GOODMAN: Questioning him?

FRANK LINDH: Oh, yes, yes, questioning. After the torture, he was brought in and said, "If you'll talk to us, we'll stop torturing you."

This is how the Bush, Cheney and the rest of the brave, brave chickenhawks in their Admihnistration "defended America" by trampling on our values and throwing away the chance to gain some real insight from an American who had been with the Taliban and could provide invaluable insight into their feelings, motivations and worldview.  Worse still, Colin Powell, a supposed "man of honor", went along with them, willingly.


There is much, much more to this interview, including Lindh's brief encounter with, and low opinion of bin Laden, whose terrorist activities he knew nothing of.  But let me repeat the four points I made above:
(1) Lindh was not guilty of any of the charges against him that were dropped.  (2) Lindh had been denied counsel in Afghanistan, even though his parents had already retained counsel for him in California--who was simultaneously denied access to his client.  (3) Lindh had been tortured and was about to testify about his torture when the government offered its deal, to prevent his testimony from becoming public.  (4) Lindh took the deal because a fair trial was impossible, he faced certain conviction because of the state of national hysteria at the time, and the way he had been portrayed in the stenographic press.


If Lindh's true story had been told at the time, if there were any interest in hearing the truth, about how wildly off the rails we had already gone, think how much tragedy, how much needless loss of life, how much bitter enmity might have been avoided.


Think, too, that although our rhetoric has changed, we are still killing innocent civilians in order to teach the world that killing innocent civilians is wrong.
Still waiting for change we can believe in.  Still waiting for change we can actually see.


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Mirror | 3 comments
 
Sometimes it feels like slow motion suicide (4.00 / 1)
 
I guess to Bush, et al., he was a convenient tool and his life nothing more than collateral damage. The Corporate Media is one of the biggest villains in this sad affair, but the American people are ultimately responsible for their passive consumption of the propaganda. I'm afraid Lindh will be forever framed as a terrorist. Once the meme is implanted it seems virtually impossible to change. People are too lazy to seek the truth.

Among the more powerful posts on this web site. (0.00 / 0)
 
Did JWL know that US forces were engaged in war with the Taliban and still continue to bear arms for them?
I can't really countenance that. He already is guilty in my mind for taking up arms with the Taliban at any time; just like the neocons under Zbig and Rumsfeld.

But on the Richter Scale of perfidy and threat, JWL is about a zero compared to the 10 of the MIC and the neocon cabals that have declared war on 1789.

That is why he appears so sympathetic when juxtaposed with the neocons.
But he really isn't.


 
Well (4.00 / 2)
 
I'm not a fan of guns under any circumstances. But if you look at how he got there, which this interview explains fairly well, then it's hard to paint him as any worse than your average soldier who feels that he's defending innocents from a predatory enemy.  And a great many soldiers are recruited on that belief. 
As to what he knew about the US getting involved militarily and when, that's very hard to say, particularly because we ourselves were doing an awful lot to muddy up what we were doing.  In fact, I still think it's fairly likely that we invaded in order to prevent the Taliban from making further concessions that would have made it difficult for us to justify invading.  They had already agreed to turn over bin Laden to be tried by an Islamic court.
To me that seemed to have broken decisively with the position that he was a guest under their protection, and there was nothing more to be said. Once they had abandoned that position--which I understanding to be an extremely strong social norm--it really did seem like they would eventually strike a deal... if that was what we were after.

But, of course, we weren't.

And what did someone in the field like Lindh know of any of this?  Very hard to say.

But my main point here is that we were so obsessed with vengeance that we didn't even stop to think what might be the smart thing to do, to think about isolating the threat we faced.

To this day, I believe that if we had put bin Laden on trial, and done it properly, with the families of all the Moslems killed in 9/11 given time to testify about their loved ones, that would have been the end of "Islamic terrorism" for a generation or two, if not forever, and that no child named "Osama" would be born for at least 40 years.

"Senate passes expanded GI bill despite Bush, McCain opposition"




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Let The Sun Shine In......